



Coolock and the Union Jack
In recent days there's been an uproar over the appearance of the Irish tricolour, symbol and standard of the Republic, waving alongside the Union Jack during protest marches in Belfast. Outrage has been expressed in the halls of power from Dáíl Éireann to Stormount to Westminster. And in fairness it is quite a picture – not something you'd see every day.
But what do we really see when we look at this picture? Should we take it at face value or should we have a conversation about the cause and context of this undoubtedly historical event? Not a historical first mind you, Catholic and Protestant groups in the North have found common cause in opposition to mass immigration before, but it is certainly the most publicised of these cross-community engagements.
Neither was it unpredictable – as far back as the 1900s, James Connolly observed that Unionist and Republican working classes had more in common with one another than with the ruling class, and would someday unite in opposition to capitalist exploitation. He was, as usual, right, albeit at a slight remove – the benefits mass immigration brings to those who wish to undermine labour power for their own great enrichment are not only endless, but have been openly proclaimed as a goal by the Central Bank.
So let's talk about the context. Coolock is a community facing if not extinction, at minimum a severe, unwelcome and completely unnecessary influx of strangers, part of a project which treats their community as little better than a factory floor and makes the greasy till their master. Whatever say they might have had in the matter under planning laws has been unceremoniously swept aside by legislative fiat, an act unheard-of in western jurisdictions.
Hardly emblematic of a representative democracy of any description, it doesn't need to be said!
The people of Coolock refused to be silenced and spoke instead by means of months of peaceful protest, which were ultimately met with force by the state. And let there be no doubt, the IRA, UVF and whoever else you might add to the list have nothing on the state when it comes to the application of terror. A community brutalised by heavily armed and armoured enforcers which knows that resistance will only bring more of the same and worse is a community terrorised.
As Martin Luther King described it, riot is the language of the unheard, so this was the language spoken in Coolock next. And now we have a community alone, friendless, their former leaders in Sinn Féin turned on them like rabid dogs, the press and political caste united in condemnation of their refusal to accept their fate.
The other Irish Ireland groups are not yet connected enough to be able to offer support to one another, so besides some internet commentators who didn't seem to be picking up any shovels, Coolock stood alone.
In that situation someone might take any hand offered to them, and any help, even if that hand was stained red with violence against their fellows. From their perspective, perhaps, at least the Loyalists didn't present an immediate threat. It is difficult to point an unequivocal finger of blame at someone whose back is against the wall, especially when those crying blame the loudest are the most responsible for the escalation of the situation.
Hypocrisy abounds and rankles – we hear snarling denunciations from people who stand beside and support those who would be waiting with open arms wide to the wind and a Union Jack clenched between their teeth, humming Rule Britannia, if the British ever invaded Ireland again. Talk about glass houses!
But let's talk about responsibility instead. Let's talk about how a community betrayed decided it didn't care about the opinions of people who were spitting on them anyway. Let's talk about how those most responsible for these events are the Irish government and their false opposition, Sinn Féin.
Oh yes, it may come as a great surprise to the very much self-anointed successors to centuries of Irish rebellion that they now wear the oppressor's jackboot, but then again maybe not. The bang of schadenfreude has hung heavy about the so-called "Republican" movement in the North for quite some time, a sense that the South was finally getting a taste of what they had experienced under British rule for the past century.
That's a conversation for another time, but suffice it to say it is a deranged perspective that cannot be fig-leafed by distorted interpretations of Marxist internationalism, and which has directly resulted in the smirk being wiped off their faces, to be replaced by egg, as they watch their former subjects link arms with their present enemies.
But let's examine the situation from another angle. Was it on the balance a great idea? Most on the Irish Ireland side would justifiably suggest that it probably wasn't.
It risks sharply dividing Irish nationalists, which they say would only serve the Loyalist cause. The undoubted animosity routinely expressed by Northern Loyalists towards Ireland's bare existence – including but not limited to burning our flag – has also fuelled sceptical commentary. The only real solution to mass immigration to Ireland is a border on the Irish sea, which Loyalists are very much against. Loyalist gangs attacked a GAA club only a day after the rally in Belfast.
The motivation Loyalist groups have for allowing themselves to be seen marching alongside a tricolour is quite rightly questioned. Loyalism is absolutely riddled with British intelligence service agents from such notorious agencies as MI5. The likes of Tommy Robinson or UDA heavies showing up at Irish Ireland protests would probably fracture Irish nationalism further. It also lends plentiful ammunition to those "Republicans", whatever that means this week, who claim Irish Ireland nationalism is a manifestation of the far right, hardening support from elements of their support base which might be wavering.
We might also ask what tangible benefits the community in Coolock intends to realise from this alliance. Finance? Manpower? A simple threat display? None of these seem like particularly useful benefits given the additional baggage.
With all of that said, those who went to Belfast did so with the wellbeing of their community and country in mind, even if it wasn't a strategically sound move. A bridge has been built – maybe we shouldn't be too quick to burn it. A middle ground might be found in separate but complimentary protest marches, for example.
It should be apparent to all but the most blinkered Loyalists by now that a United Ireland is an inevitability, so whether or not Sinn Féin wants to accept the consequences, that means we will need to find a way to live together in peace on this island. Common ground must be found and sown with the seeds of unity.
So here's a humble suggestion – instead of trying to enforce unhinged and enormously destructive dictates on communities across Ireland, those temporarily in power should respectfully listen to and act upon the concerns of the people they were elected to represent.
Because Coolock will not be the last community whose eyes turn north, and I very much doubt either Sinn Féin or the Irish government will enjoy the fruit of that harvest.
Article originally published on: Monday 5th August 2024If you'd like to help with producing further articles, please sign up here!
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There is a fire that has never gone out.
Though winds have blown across our hills and empires have cast their shadows upon our land, the spirit of Gaelic Ireland remains—a living ember in the hearts of her sons and daughters. It is not a myth or memory. It is blood. It is breath. It is the pulse beneath the skin of the nation, ancient and eternal.
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Kilmainham Prison
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My Dearest Mother,
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Dublin,
1st May 1916.
Dearest Mother,
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Mionn
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Dar clú ar gciniḋ,
Dar crú ar sinnsear,
Dar dúnṁarḃaḋ Aoḋa Ruaiḋ,
Dar bás truaiġṁéileaċ Aoḋa Uí Néill,
Dar oiḋeaḋ Eoġan Ruaiḋ,
Dar mian an tSáirséalaiġ le huċt a ḃáis,
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